Syro-Malabar Hierarchy

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Constitution of Syro-Malabar Hierarchy: A Documental Study, HIRS Publications,  Changanacherry 2014, pp. 199, ISBN 13 978-81-87576-82-2.
In this book the author presents the documentation concerning the
historical background and other relevant facts related to the epoch-making event of the erection of Syro-Malabar hierarchy, which revolutionized the fate of the Catholic Church in India. The work provides precise, objective and authentic information concerning the causes of delay in the constitution of Syro-Malabar hierarchy, the choice of the metropolitan see and the rejection of the special status requested for the vicariate apostolic of Kottayam.

General Introduction


With the Synod of Diamper in 1599 the Eastern hierarchy was suppressed in India and Latin bishops were appointed to govern the St Thomas Christians. Following the revolt of 1653, known as the Coonan Cross Oath, the Catholic St Thomas Christians were divided between the archdiocese of Cranganore under the Portuguese patronage (Padroado) and the vicariate of Malabar (subsequently named Verapoly) administered by vicars apostolic under the authority of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide.
After about three centuries (1599-1886) of Western governance over the St Thomas Christians, when the Latin hierarchy was established in India on 1 September 1886, the ancient archdiocese of Cranganore was definitively suppressed, the vicariate apostolic of Verapoly was elevated to the status of a metropolitan archdiocese of the Latin Church with Quilon as its suffragan see and all the Catholic St Thomas Christians became members of the said archdiocese.[1] Through the apostolic letter Quod iampridem of 20 May 1887, Pope Leo XIII separated the Eastern Catholics from the Latin Christians of the archdiocese of Verapoly and constituted for them two Syro-Malabar vicariates apostolic, Trichur and Kottayam (later named Changanacherry),[2] but the vicars apostolic were still Latins: Charles Lavigne, titular bishop of Milevum and vicar apostolic of Changanacherry (1887-1896) and Adolf Edwin Medlycott, titular bishop of Tricomia and vicar apostolic of Trichur (1887-1896).
With the apostolic brief Quae rei sacrae of 28 July 1896 Pope Leo XIII reorganized the territory, erecting the three vicariates apostolic of Trichur, Ernakulam and Changanacherry.[3] Three native priests were appointed as vicars apostolic: John Menacherry, titular bishop of Parai and vicar apostolic of Trichur, Mathew Makil, titular bishop of Tralli and vicar apostolic of Changanacherry and Aloysius Pareparambil, titular bishop of Tiana and vicar apostolic of Ernakulam. The Apostolic Delegate Ladislao Michele Zaleski consecrated the first three Indian bishops on 25 October 1896 in the cathedral church of Kandy in Sri Lanka, where he had the residence.
As a result of Babylonian emigration to South India most probably from the fourth century on, a distinct endogamous community, named in all important documents as Southists (recently called Knanaya), originated among the St Thomas Christians who were sometimes designated as Northists, when there emerged necessity to distinguish them from the former. When the two vicariates were erected in 1887 there were about 15,000 Southists and 100,000 Northists in the vicariate of Kottayam (Changanacherry). The antipathy and contrasts between these two groups intensified due to the attempts of the Southists spearheaded by Mathew Makil, under the aegis of the Carmelite bishops and missionaries of Verapoly, for the creation of a separate vicariate for them, governed by a Carmelite vicar apostolic. In such a difficult situation the appointment of the Southist priest Mathew Makil as the vicar apostolic of Changanacherry in 1896 provoked protests and agitations of the Northists, which continued until the erection of the Southist vicariate of Kottayam on 29 August 1911, with the transfer of Vicar Apostolic Mathew Makil to the new vicariate of Kottayam and the appointment of Thomas Kurialacherry as the vicar apostolic of Changanacherry.[4] Thus from 1911 on the Syro-Malabar Church consisted of four vicariates directly dependent on the Apostolic See.
Those who are not very familiar with canon law and the exact juridical nature of vicariates apostolic at times erroneously consider the erection of Syro-Malabar vicariates with the appointment of native vicars apostolic as the constitution of Syro-Malabar hierarchy. Normally vicariates apostolic are temporary ecclesiastical circumscriptions, especially in mission territories, where the ecclesiastical situation is not mature enough for the erection of dioceses, because of special circumstances. The vicars apostolic are titular bishops appointed by the Roman Pontiff; they directly depend on the Holy See and exercise jurisdiction in the name of the Roman Pontiff.[5] Hence, in the technical sense a hierarchy is considered to have been established for a country or for a sui iuris Church, only when at least one diocese or eparchy is constituted. Accordingly the Syro-Malabar Church obtained a hierarchy only on 21 December 1923, when Pope Pius XI erected the aforementioned four vicariates as dioceses. The precise scope of this book is to present the historical background and other relevant facts related to the epoch-making event of the erection of Syro-Malabar hierarchy, which revolutionized the fate of the Catholic Church in India.
We will highlight other relevant facts and briefly outline the remaining history of the Syro-Malabar Church until the erection of hierarchy according to the chronological progression of events, as brief introductions to each of the documents presented in this book. We give below some further preliminary considerations which can help readers to comprehend the documents.

1.Preliminary Considerations

1.1. The Expression Suriani

Suriani is the Malayalam word for Syriac or Syrian, which was the liturgical language of the Eastern Christians of India until the introduction of local languages in 1962. Like the expressions “Latin Church” and “Latin Christians” or simply “Latins”, formerly “Suriani Church”, “Suriani Catholics”, “Suriani Christians” and “Suriani” were used to indicate the St Thomas Christians and their Church. From the second half of the nineteenth century on, the terms “Suriani” or “Suriani Catholics” were consistently used even in the documents and communications of the Holy See until the name Syro-Malabar became prevalent. Especially after the Schisms of Rokos (1861-1862) and Mellus (1874-1882) the Holy See avoided the expression “Chaldean” and preferred the word “Suriani” so as to indicate that the Indian Eastern Church had no hierarchical connection with the Chaldean Church. In our English translation we have maintained all the aforementioned expressions, as they are found in the original documents.

1.2. Roman Pontiffs and the Apostolic See

The documents presented in this book to some extent cover the history of the Syro-Malabar Church from 1896 to 1923. During this period the Roman Pontiffs Leo XIII (1878-1903), St Pius X (1903-1914), Benedict XV (1914-1922) and Pius XI (1922-1939) who governed the universal Church, were involved in historical decisions which determined the progress and development of the Syro-Malabar Church.
At the time of the appointment of native bishops in 1896, like the other Eastern Catholic Churches, the Syro-Malabar Church was also under the authority of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide for the Affairs of the Oriental Rite, erected by Pope Pius IX on 6 January 1862. The Latin and Oriental sections of Propaganda Fide had the same prefect, but two separate bishops secretaries. The prefects of Propaganda Fide during the period under our study were: Mieczyslaw Halka Ledochowski (1892-1902), Girolamo Maria Gotti (1902-1916) and Domenico Serafini (1916-1918).
On 1 May 1917 by the motu proprio Dei Providentis Pope Benedict XV erected the ‘Sacred Congregation for the Oriental Church’ and all the Eastern Catholic Churches, of course including the Syro-Malabar Church, were placed under its authority. As the Pope himself decided, the Oriental section of Propaganda Fide ceased to exist on 30 November 1917 and the new Congregation began to function from 1 December 1917. Naturally the competence over the Syro-Malabar Church passed to the new Congregation, to which was also transferred in the course of time the pertinent documents concerning the Eastern Churches. Since at that time the Roman Pontiff himself was the Prefect of the Oriental Congregation, its administrative head was a cardinal secretary. During the period of our study the secretaries were: Nicolò Marini (1917-1922) and Giovanni Tacci Porcelli (1922-1927).

1.3. Apostolic Delegates in India

Four Apostolic Delegates accomplished their ministry as representatives of the Pope and the Holy See during the period under consideration. At that time there was only one Apostolic Delegate for all the countries in the Indian subcontinent, designated by the general name “East Indies”, which included different countries in the Indian subcontinent or Southeast Asia. As we have seen above, when the first Syro-Malabar bishops were appointed in 1896 the Apostolic Delegate of East Indies was Ladislao Michele Zaleski (1892-1916), titular archbishop of Thebae (Tebe), who had his headquarters at Kandy in Sri Lanka. On 7 December 1916 Zaleski was transferred and appointed as titular patriarch of the Latin patriarchate of Antioch (created in 1098), the seat of which was at the Basilica of St Mary Major in Rome, after the fall of Antioch in 1268. Patriarch Zaleski was very influential in the Roman Curia and the Holy See highly valued his opinion on important matters concerning the Indian Church. After Zaleski, Pietro Fumasoni Biondi (1916-1919) and Pietro Pisani (1019-1924) exercised their ministry as apostolic delegates in East Indies.

1.4. Scope, Method and Content

The scope of this work is to make original sources available to scholars concerning the erection of Syro-Malabar hierarchy with the intention of promoting objective critical studies. We will present the report (ponenza) presented to the plenary assembly of the Oriental Congregation held on 3 December 1923 and the summary attached to it, the decisions of the said assembly and the apostolic constitution erecting the Syro-Malabar hierarchy.
After this general introduction and the list of documents with indication of sources, the book is divided into two parts: the first part presents the English translation of the documents, while the second part is dedicated to original texts. In the second part the documents are reproduced in the original language with the same number and English heading, so that those who wish to consult the original, can easily do so. Since all the documents are also reproduced in the original language, this book can be consulted even by non-English speaking scholars. Footnotes and explanations found in some of the documents are maintained both in the English translation and in the originals. Footnotes and explanations added by the Author to the English version are put in square brackets [ ]. The indexes at the end of this book are based on the English version alone.

2. Some Fundamental Themes Frequently Treated in the Documents

2.1. The Maturity of the Syro-Malabar Church and the Opportunity of a Stable Hierarchy

After about three centuries of Latin governance (1599-1896) when the first native bishops were appointed in 1896 the Syro-Malabar liturgical, spiritual and canonical heritage was in a hybrid state, which stirred up doubts about the ecclesial nature of this Church and its maturity for obtaining a stable hierarchy. The Eucharistic liturgy (Qurbana) existed in a highly latinized form with many modifications, omissions and interpolations mainly made by the Synod of Diamper (1599) and Bishop Francis Ros SJ, the first Latin bishop of the St Thomas Christians (1599-1624).[6] In connection with the holy Qurbana, the Eucharistic bread and wine, the manner of holy communion, liturgical year and calendar, liturgical vestments, religious feasts, fast and abstinence, sacred art and architecture, etc were all modified in tune with the Roman tradition and Western customs.[7]
In accordance with the order of the provincial council of Goa (1585) and the Synod of Diamper, the Latin Ritual was translated into Syriac and was introduced in Malabar. In fact the theology, liturgy and discipline of the sacraments were completely replaced by those of the Roman tradition. For ordinations, consecration of churches, blessing of the holy oils  and other episcopal ceremonies the Roman Pontifical was used in the language of Latin, since the Latin bishops did not know Syriac.[8] The Divine Office was of East Syrian tradition, but with the modifications and corrections made by the Synod of Diamper. Almost all the sacramentals, paraliturgical ceremonies and popular devotions were conducted with Roman liturgical books translated into Syriac, sometimes with local adaptations.
When the three native vicars apostolic were appointed in 1896, it was not evident which Pontifical had to be used in the Syro-Malabar Church for episcopal ceremonies such as ordinations, consecration of churches and altars, consecration of Chrism (holy Myron) etc. The first bishops had no doubt or hesitation about the matter; they unanimously decided to translate the Roman Pontifical into Syriac, since at that time all other liturgical ceremonies of their Church were in Syriac. However, they did not succeed to make a standard translation and to get approval from Propaganda Fide. Consequently they continued to use the Roman Pontifical in Latin language itself for all episcopal ceremonies.[9]
Similarly there was confusion with regard to the law to be used in the nascent Syro-Malabar Church, which had no particular code of canon law. In fact at that time the ecclesial life of the Church was mainly regulated in accordance with the norms ensuing from the acts and decrees of the Synod of Diamper (1599), the statutes of Francis Ros SJ (1606) and the statues of Archbishop Leonard Mellano OCD (1879). Such liturgical and canonical predicament of the Syro-Malabar Church, especially the uncertainty concerning the Pontifical and the code of canon law to be applied contributed to the delay in the constitution of hierarchy.[10]
In spite of the aforementioned problems, after the appointment of native bishops the Syro-Malabar Church made rapid progress in every other aspect of ecclesial life. All the apostolic delegates who exercised their ministry in India at that time unanimously and insistently pointed out that the Syro-Malabar vicariates were better than most of the Latin dioceses in East Indies under all respects and asked the Holy See to constitute the Syro-Malabar hierarchy as early as possible. Thanks also to their efforts, gradually all doubts about the maturity of the Syro-Malabar Church was cleared and the Holy See proceeded to the much desired erection of hierarchy.

2.2. The Choice of the Metropolitan See

Another frequently debated question was the choice of the metropolitan see of the Syro-Malabar Church. Originally the Apostolic Delegate Fumasoni Biondi and Pietro Pisani proposed the vicariate of Changanacherry as the metropolitan see, because after the appoint of Mar Thomas Kurialacherry as vicar apostolic, the said see mounted to the first place as regards fervent religious life, number of Christian faithful, priestly and religious vocations, monasteries and convents, educational and charitable institutions, etc.[11] On the other hand Ladislao Michele Zaleski, former apostolic delegate in India and afterwards titular patriarch of the Latin Patriarchate of Antioch, residing in Rome, persistently insisted that Ernakulam should be the metropolitan see because of its central geographical position of the then Syro-Malabar Church and because of its political and economic importance being a strategic port and the greatest city in Kerala.[12] In the plenary meeting of 3 December 1923 the Cardinals opted for Ernakulam not only because of Zaleski’s patronage, but also because Ernakulam appeared to be more acceptable to Kottayam, due to the bitter conflicts and traditional rivalry between Southists and Northists, especially during the administration of Mar Mathew Makil, when he was vicar apostolic of Changanacherry (1896-1911).

2.3. The Status of the Southist Vicariate of Kottayam

As we have already indicated, Pope Pius X created the Southist vicariate of Kottayam on 29 August 1911 through the apostolic letter “In universi Christiani”. [13] When the eventual constitution of a stable hierarchy for the Syro-Malabar Church was considered in Rome, the then Southist vicar apostolic of Kottayam, Mar Alexander Chulaparambil (1914-1951) wrote to the former and then Apostolic Delegates, authorities of the “Congregation for the Oriental Church” and to Pope Pius XI (1922-1939) himself, requesting that the vicariate of Kottayam be elevated to the status of a diocese immediately subjected to the Holy See or of an archdiocese without any suffragan see.[14] He claimed such a special status for Kottayam, independent of the future metropolitan of the Syro-Malabar Church for the same reasons, for which the separate Southist vicariate was created in 1911. Patriarch Zaleski and the Apostolic Delegate Pisani were opposed to granting any special status to Kottayam; only the former Apostolic Delegate Fumasoni Biondi supported it. The plenary meeting of the Oriental Congregation held on 3 December 1923 discarded the claims Chulaparambil and unanimously decided to make the vicariate of Kottayam a normal suffragan diocese of the metropolitan see of Ernakulam.






[1] Cf. Leo XIII, Humanae salutis auctor, 1 September 1886, Leonis XIII Pontificis Maximi Acta, vol. 5, Romae 1886, 164-179; IRD, 152-173.
[2] Cf. Leo XIII, Quod iampridem, 20 May 1887, Leonis XIII Pontificis Maximi Acta, vol. VII, Romae 1888, 106-108; IRD, 190-193.
[3] Leo XIII, Quae rei sacrae, 28 July 1896, Leonis XIII Pontificis Maximi Acta, vol. XVI, Romae 1897, 229-232; IRD, 194-197.
[4] For the history, background and all other details, see P. Pallath & G. Kanjirakkatt, Origin of the Southist Vicariat of Kottayam; Acts and Facts, Kottayam 2011.
[5] Cf. CIC 1917, cc. 293-311; CIC 1983, c. 371 § 1 & 381; An exarchy or exarchate is the oriental equivalent of a vicar apostolic and an exarch that of a vicar apostolic (cf. CCEO, cc. 311-321).
[6] P. J. Podipara, “The Present Syro-Malabar Liturgy: Menezian or Rozian?, OCP 23 (1957) 313-322; J. Vellian, “The Synod of Diamper and the Liturgy of the Syro-Malabar Church”, in G. Nedungatt, ed., The Synod of Diamper Revisited, Rome 2001, 175-181 & 185-191; P. Pallath, The Eucharistic Liturgy of the St Thomas Christians and the Synod of Diamper, Kottayam 2008, 85-154.
[7] Cf. P. Pallath, The Eucharistic Liturgy of the St Thomas Christians and the Synod of Diamper, 155-209.
[8] P. Palalth, “The Sacraments of the Church of St Thomas Christians in India and the Synod of Diamper”, Ephrem’s Theological Journal, vol. 11, no. 2 (October 2007) 121-146; The Provincial Councils of Goa and the Church of St Thomas Christians, Kottayam 2005, 115-129; J. Vellian, “The Synod of Diamper and the Liturgy of the Syro-Malabar Church”, 181-184 & 190-193.
[9] For details, P. Pallath & J. Kollara, Roman Pontifical into Syriac and the Beginning of Liturgical Reform in the Syro-Malabar Church: History of the Revision and Publication of the Chaldean and Syro-Malanbar Pontifical, Kottayam 2012.
[10] The Syro-Malabar hierarchy was constituted thirty-five years after the erection of the first two vicariates apostolic, while the Syro-Malankara hierarchy was erected only 3 months after the creation of two oridinariates.
[11] Cf. Doc. 2.11. & 2. 12.
[12] Cf. Doc. 2.13. & 2.14.
[13] At the time of the constitution of the Syro-Malabar hierarchy in 1923 the Southist vicariate of Kottayam had about 35,000 faithful, 44 churches including chapels and 43 diocesan priests.